Koch Brothers And ExxonMobil Join Forces To Fight RGGI With Copy-Paste State Legislation

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As weโ€™ve reported over and over again, the popular and successful Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI) and other regional climate agreements are under attack from polluters. Today, a bombshell report by Bloomberg News makes it undeniably clear who is leading the attack, and paints an ugly picture of collusion, influence, and state legislators deep in the pocket of the fossil fuelย industry.ย 

The report shines a light on the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), which serves as a drafting board for industry-friendly state legislation and then subsequently as a sort of mixer for corporations and state politicians who are willing to accept financial favors to bring these copy-and-paste laws back to their home states.

Bloomberg reporter Alison Fitzpatrickย 
writes:
The opportunity for corporations to become co-authors of state laws legally through ALEC covers a wide range of issues from energy to taxes to agriculture. The price for participation is an ALEC membership fee of as much as $25,000 โ€“ and the few extra thousands to join one of the groupโ€™s legislative-writing task forces. Once the โ€œmodel legislationโ€ is complete, itโ€™s up to ALECโ€™s legislator members to shepherd it into law.
Fitzpatrick calls out Exxon Mobil and Koch Industries as two companies whose handwriting (forget fingerprints) are all over the template legislation that forces states out of their regional climate agreements.
The process seems to work, at least to some degree. Within the past year, legistators in at least eight states have introduced provisions to leave their respective emissions reduction pacts. David Anderson, who writes the New Hampshire Primary 2012: Green blog about climate change and the 2012 election, first spotted the template. After doing some heroic digging, he found that in at least six of these states, the legislation introduced was literally copied-and-pasted from the template provided by ALEC. These states are Michigan, Montana, New Mexico, Oregon, Washington (all PDFs), and New Hampshire.

Anderson first spotted the language in the โ€œfindingsโ€ section of the New Hampshire bill. As he told Living on Earth: โ€œIt says โ€˜whereas there has been no credible economic analysis of the increasing cost of doing business in the state of,โ€™ and then thereโ€™s a blank, so, in this case, they inserted the words, New Hampshire.โ€

When the bill was discussed in committee, Anderson reported this incredible exchange:

The billโ€™s lead sponsor, state Rep. Richard Barry (R), looked a bit like a dog caught with the family cat in its mouth when he was asked to explain the language at a public hearing; he nervously said that none of the billโ€™s sponsors had written this particular section, but stopped short of revealing ALEC as the source of the text. That didnโ€™t sit well with Rep. James Garrity (R), chair of the House Science, Technology, and Energy Committee, who later explained, โ€œOur committee does not feel that editorials belong in laws.โ€ The matter was resolved by dropping the ALEC text, and theย amended billย went on to pass theย House.

The language Anderson found in the New Hampshire bill is the same that Fitzpatrick identified (PDF) as the โ€œeight-paragraph resolution,โ€ that reads, in part, โ€œthere has been no credible economic analysis of the costs associated with carbon reduction mandatesโ€ and โ€œa tremendous amount of economic growth would be sacrificed for a reduction in carbon emissions that would have no appreciable impact on global concentrations of carbon dioxide.โ€

Fitzpatrick reports that ALECโ€™s โ€œmodel bills, which now total almost 1,000, are listed on its website, although their full texts can be called up only by members.โ€ But the Center for Media and Democracy actually acquired the full texts of over 800 of the bills earlier this month, and posted them at ALECexposed.org.

ALEC has received at least $124,000 from the Exxon Mobil Foundation in dues and sponsorships, but that figure doesnโ€™t include direct grants or gifts from the corporation itself. Greenpeace reveals that the Council has also received at least $408,000 from the Charles Koch Charitable Foundation since 1997.

This isnโ€™t, of course, the first time weโ€™ve seen Koch money directly influencing regional climate pacts.

Last month, Governor Chris Christie pulled New Jersey out of RGGI, stripping the ten state agreement of one of its key cornerstone partners. Next door in New York,ย Americans for Prosperity,ย a group whoseย ties to the Koch brothersย are well established,ย sued the state for its continued commitment to RGGI.
So far, none of the legislative or alternative efforts to pull out of regional commitments have had great traction. New Jerseyโ€™s case was unique, as Christie was able to use a controversial executive order, but thereโ€™sย still a lengthy regulatory process to fully extricate the state from the pact, and Democratic leaders in the state senate and assembly are introducing new legislation to strip the governor of his authority over RGGI.

Despite
widespread public support in the Garden State, Christie, who doesnโ€™t deny that humans are causing global warming, claimed that RGGI was โ€œa failure and an ineffective approach to reducing greenhouse gas emissions.โ€ This claim has been widely and summarily dismissed by scores of economists, environmentalists, and five governors who remain fully committed to RGGI. โ€œGovernor Christie is simply wrong when he claims that these efforts are a failure,โ€ said Maryland Governor Martin Oโ€™Malley.

Americans for Prosperityย celebrated Christieโ€™s decision, even taking direct credit for it in a public press release: Americans for Prosperity Declares Victory over RGGI Cap & Trade!

The New Jersey chapter of AFP spent roughly $200,000 in the state on advertisements and other public efforts to fight RGGI, and plenty of analysts assume that Christieโ€™s announcement was made to appease the notorious Tea Party funders as he sets his sights on a prospective White House run in 2012.

But while the New Jersey campaign was done in broad daylight, this Bloomberg News bombshell makes clear that Koch-funded organizations are still spearheading shadowy attempts to help states cut and run from their regional climate commitments.

With the prospects for nationwide carbon pricing at a ten-year low, regional agreements like RGGI, the Western Climate Initiative, and the Midwestern Greenhouse Gas Accord seem to hold the best hope for creating a carbon market and generating revenue to fund clean energy and energy efficiency projects. For this reason, no doubt, polluting interests like Koch Industries are sharpening their swords, and their legislation drafting pencils.
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Ben Jervey is a Senior Fellow for DeSmog and directs the KochvsClean.com project. He is a freelance writer, editor, and researcher, specializing in climate change and energy systems and policy. Ben is also a Research Fellow at the Institute for Energy and the Environment at Vermont Law School. He was the original Environment Editor for GOOD Magazine, and wrote a longstanding weekly column titled โ€œThe New Ideal: Building the clean energy economy of the 21st Century and avoiding the worst fates of climate change.โ€ He has also contributed regularly to National Geographic News, Grist, and OnEarth Magazine. He has published three booksโ€”on eco-friendly living in New York City, an Energy 101 primer, and, most recently, โ€œThe Electric Battery: Charging Forward to a Low Carbon Future.โ€ He graduated with a BA in Environmental Studies from Middlebury College, and earned a Masterโ€™s in Energy Regulation and Law at Vermont Law School. A bicycle enthusiast, Ben has ridden across the United States and through much ofย Europe.

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