Brazilian Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock (CNA)

Background

The Brazilian Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock (originally the National Confederation of Agriculture — CNA) is the largest representative entity of Brazilian agribusiness.¹

According to the organization’s website, it seeks to “represent, organize, and strengthen Brazilian rural producers” and to “defend their rights and interests”. It also works to promote the economic development of the agricultural and livestock sector.²

Currently, CNA includes the 27 agriculture and livestock federations, which operate across Brazil, including its largest producing regions such as São Paolo and Mato Groso.³Agribusiness is one of the largest political and economic forces in Brazil. Recent reports indicate that it accounts for 29.4 percent of the national Gross Domestic Product (GDP).⁴

According to a recent study,⁵ over the past six years, agricultural activities have been responsible for more than 97 percent of deforestation in Brazil.⁶ In addition, agribusiness is responsible for 74 percent of greenhouse gas emissions in the country.⁷ Scientists say major changes are needed — including the reduction of Brazil’s livestock herd and changes to diets, to reduce the country’s sizable greenhouse gas emissions.⁸

The CNA is the most powerful lobbying force in Brazil. On its website, the CNA states that it has 189 representatives in federal government ministries, five seats in the Office of the President of the Republic and two representations at public research body Embrapa.⁹ It is not uncommon for its members to be received by cabinet ministers and also by members of Brazil’s Supreme Court.¹⁰ ¹¹

The CNA also works closely with the pro-agribusiness think tank the Instituto Pensar Agro (IPA), and the political caucus, the Parliamentary Front for Agribusiness (FPA),¹² a majority group of conservative deputies and senators aligned with agribusiness interests, to shape policy outcomes: protect agribusiness interests, block social and environmental protection,¹³and promote greater deregulation.¹⁴

For example, the CNA worked for the approval of several pieces of anti-environmental legislation in Brazil,¹⁵ such as the Temporal Framework Law, a bill that restricts the demarcation of and access to land for Indigenous populations, the New Pesticides Law,¹⁶nicknamed the Poison Bill (Projeto de Lei do Veneno) by environmentalists, and the 2025 licensing law, dubbed the “Devastation Bill” by critics, which allows self-licensing of environmental permits and weakens protections for forests and traditional territories.¹⁷

CNA has also attempted to overturn the Amazon Soy Moratorium,¹⁸ a landmark agreement to block the sale of soya linked to deforestation, by filing a complaint in February 2025 with Brazil’s anti-trust agency, claiming that the moratorium was “illegal”.¹⁹

The CNA has also lobbied against the EU’s Regulation on Deforestation-free Products (EUDR) law, which bans the import by the EU of products from deforested land, calling it a “trade barrier”.²⁰ CNA is also preparing to present its vision of “sustainable tropical agriculture” at the COP30 climate summit, due to be hosted by Brazil in November 2025. CNA’s education arm Senar, has paid for “master sponsorship”,²¹ the highest level, at R$2.5 million(£360,000) in the AgriZone, which is hosted by public agriculture body Embrapa.²²

The president of CNA’s Environment Committee, Muni Lourenço, stated that “COP30 will be an opportunity to show the world that the Brazilian rural sector is an agro-environmental powerhouse, and to demonstrate the practices already adopted by producers that contribute to reducing greenhouse gas emissions.”²³

Stance on Climate Change

A CNA document published after the landmark 2015 Paris Agreement between the majority of the world’s nations to keep global warming below 1.5 or 2 degrees of warming, acknowledges the role of agribusiness in emitting greenhouse gases. It stated: “A large part of Brazil’s commitment falls on the agricultural sector and land use, which together account for more than half of the country’s greenhouse gas emissions.”²⁴

However, more often than not, the CNA presents agribusiness “as part of the global solution to ensure food and energy security worldwide, through actions and technologies that help reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and mitigate the effects of climate change.”²⁵

To support this thesis, the organization states that “Brazil, with some of the strictest environmental legislation in the world, has built a huge environmental asset through agribusiness over the past decades, which has resulted in the preservation of 33 percent (within private properties) of the national territory by the sector.”²⁶

Despite these arguments, land-use change is responsible for 44 percent of greenhouse gas emissions in Brazil, according to the 7th edition of the Greenhouse Gas Emissions Estimates System (SEEG), released by the Climate Observatory, a network of more than 40 organizations.²⁷ In Brazil land-use change is chiefly driven by deforestation, though other factors include salinization and erosion of land.

Among these gases, methane stands out, which has a warming effect 80 times more powerful than CO2.²⁸ Agriculture and livestock account for 75 percent of methane emissions in Brazil.²⁹ Those emissions are largely attributed to enteric fermentation in the digestive tracts of cattle, commonly known as “cow burps”.

A study published in the scientific journal Science points out that between 90 percent and 99 percent of all deforestation in the tropics is caused directly or indirectly by agriculture and livestock.³⁰

Experts point to the need to reduce livestock herds as one of the solutions to the climate emergency.³¹Emissions of methane in Brazil increased by 6 percent between 2020 and 2023.³² Brazil is a signatory of the Global Methane Pledge, meaning it has promised to cut levels of the greenhouse gas in the atmosphere by 30 percent by 2030.“³³ Instead, its methane emissions have risen by six percent in the last four years.³⁴

Key Actions

September 2025

CNA released a report at the end of September titled “Brazilian Agriculture and Livestock at COP30”, which outlined the sector’s priorities for the conference.³⁵

The launch was attended by CNA president João Martins, Embrapa (Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation, linked to the federal government) president Silvia Massruhá, and COP30 Special Agriculture Envoy Roberto Rodrigues.³⁶

The report emphasizes the inclusion of Brazilian agriculture and livestock in climate action discussions, recognition of tropical agriculture in global assessments, and the creation of a “tropical agriculture mandate” under the Paris Agreement.³⁷

In the period leading up to COP30, the agribusiness sector has actively promoted the concept of “tropical agriculture”, which claims that it is possible to produce on a large scale in the tropics without causing environmental degradation.³⁸ However, critics argue that this narrative often serves to legitimize agricultural expansion into sensitive ecosystems such as the Cerrado and the Amazon.³⁹

The CNA document also advocated for incentive policies for sustainable farming practices that reduce greenhouse gas emissions and increase carbon sequestration, but does not mention reducing livestock herds, the main source of methane.“⁴⁰

The document also calls for investments to halt deforestation and restore ecosystems while warning against unilateral trade measures justified by climate concerns that could disproportionately impact developing countries.⁴¹

August 2025

In August, the president of the Brazilian Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock (CNA), João Martins, received COP30 President André Corrêa do Lago at CNA’s headquarters.⁴² During the meeting, the CNA pressed home the sector’s initiatives and agribusiness’ role as part of the climate solution based on sustainable agricultural practices.⁴³

Also at the meeting with the COP30 president, CNA’s Technical Director Bruno Lucchi stated that the organization’s goal at COP30 is to increase the visibility of Brazilian agribusiness, “which preserves, produces responsibly, and delivers concrete results for addressing climate change”.⁴⁴

The role and participation of agribusiness at COP30 has raised concerns among environmentalists and NGOs, who see this involvement as an attempt to capture the agenda of the conference and engage in greenwashing.⁴⁵

August 2025

The CNA continued its work with agribusiness parliamentary group the FPA to try to block the implementation of Brazil’s Climate Plan.⁴⁶ ⁴⁷ This document, which was launched in July 2024, is still under development as of October 2025, and is expected to be released at COP30. It sets guidelines for Brazil’s actions to address climate change through to 2035. The plan is currently under public consultation. According to Muni Lourenço, president of CNA’s National Environment Commission, the association is “vigilant in defending Brazilian agriculture.”⁴⁸

Meanwhile, CNA’s Sustainability Coordinator, Nelson Ananias Filho, stated that the Climate Plan “imposes disproportionate responsibilities on agribusiness, attributing about 68 percent of national emissions to the sector, even though the National Inventory indicates that agribusiness accounts for 30 percent.”

July 2025

Another key agenda item for the CNA, approved in Congress in 2025 with the votes and mobilization of the FPA, was the Environmental Licensing Bill. Nicknamed the “Devastation Bill” by environmentalists, the measure provides for self-licensing and weakens the protection of traditional territories.⁴⁹

“The simple filling out of a self-declaration form will now be sufficient to guarantee exemption, without any verification of environmental impacts or of commitments made under environmental regularization programs,” said an open letter from Observatório do Clima on the changes proposed by the FPA.

The CNA, however, stated that the new law, which relaxes environmental licensing in Brazil, “modernizes” and “reduces bureaucracy” in the current model.⁵⁰ President Lula vetoed some parts of the bill, and it is now up to Congress to either overturn or uphold the Executive’s vetoes.

June 2025

In June, CNA’s Environment Commission president, Muni Lourenço, argued that the climate summit COP30 in Belém would showcase Brazil as an “agro-environmental powerhouse,” highlighting agricultural practices said to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.⁵¹ CNA is partnering with Embrapa to run AgriZone, a space featuring initiatives on cattle ranching with pasture restoration, dairy, grains, bioenergy, fruit cultivation, and coffee — all framed as examples of sustainable production backed by scientific research.⁵²

Lourenço emphasized that the sector aims to “dispel misleading narratives about agribusiness,” which he claims originate from unreliable sources. As part of this strategy, CNA and Embrapa plan guided visits to rural properties around Belém considered models of good practice, inviting journalists and influencers to observe firsthand the sustainability efforts the Confederation seeks to promote.⁵³

February 2025

CNA attempted to overturn the Amazon Soy Moratorium,⁵⁴ a landmark agreement to block the sale of soya linked to deforestation, by filing a complaint in February 2025 with Brazil’s anti-trust agency, claiming that the moratorium was “illegal”.⁵⁵

December 2024

The CNA publicly criticized the European anti-deforestation legislation, which came into effect in early 2025.⁵⁶ “This law will not actually prevent land clearing and will place even more producers who are already living on a fragile and vulnerable line, not only in Brazil but worldwide, in an extreme situation of difficulty,” Rodrigo Justus, CNA’s environmental consultant said.

The new European regulation aims to ban the import of products such as beef and soy from areas deforested after December 2020.⁵⁷ Environmentalists praise the legislation, stating that by requiring traceability and proof that products were not grown in deforested areas, it encourages more sustainable production practices. According to the non-governmental organization Global Witness, the law will help preserve almost eight million hectares of forest over the next ten years — an area the size of Austria.⁵⁸

November 2023

Alongside the FPA, the CNA also mobilized to approve the New Pesticides Law, nicknamed the Poison Bill (Projeto de Lei do Veneno) by environmentalists.⁵⁹ The legislation grants the Ministry of Agriculture the final say regarding the approval of pesticides. Historically led by agribusiness representatives, the ministry tends to be favorable to the sector’s demands.⁶⁰

President Lula vetoed some points of the new law, but in 2024 Congress overturned part of the presidential vetoes.⁶¹ Health organizations and environmentalists — including the National Health Surveillance Agency — criticized the changes to the law.⁶²

May 2023

In 2023, the CNA also worked together with the FPA to approve the Temporal Framework Law,⁶³ a thesis according to which Indigenous peoples “can only claim lands they occupied or disputed on the date of the promulgation of the current Constitution (October 5, 1988).”⁶⁴ In practice, the legislation restricts and hinders the recognition and demarcation of Indigenous lands.

The Federal Supreme Court struck down the law, but the issue is still under debate, as several lawsuits are being filed both in favor of and against the legislation. The CNA itself even filed a case with the Court defending the constitutionality of the new law.⁶⁵

Restrictions on the demarcation of Indigenous lands are also a setback for forest preservation and emissions reduction, as studies indicate that “Indigenous lands show significantly lower vegetation loss (less than 1 percent) compared to non-Indigenous areas, due to the sustainable practices and traditional knowledge of Indigenous peoples, which help conserve biodiversity and ecosystems.”⁶⁶

2009-2012

The CNA publicly supported the reformulation of the Forest Code,⁶⁷ a process that lasted from 2009 to 2012. Among the legislative changes approved in Congress with the support of the FPA was an amnesty for rural producers who had been fined for environmental violations committed before 2008.⁶⁸ “We produce food on only 27.7 percent of Brazil’s territory, and rural producers want legal guarantees to continue producing in these same areas,” stated Senator Kátia Abreu, then-president of the CNA.⁶⁹

Lobbying

The CNA is a key member of the Instituto Pensar Agro (IPA),⁷⁰ an agribusiness think tank that functions as a lobbying and pressure group in Congress.⁷¹ IPA provides technical and legal advice to the Parliamentary Front for Agribusiness (FPA), which is one of the most organized caucuses in Congress, comprising 303 deputies and 50 senators as of April 2025. When acting together, the FPA holds a majority in both houses, allowing it to advance or block legislation that affects agribusiness.

Much of CNA’s lobbying is carried out in coordination with IPA and FPA. CNA supplies funding, IPA offers technical support, and FPA works directly in the legislature to influence socio-environmental laws.⁷² This coordinated effort is documented on the entities’ websites, official reports, and news articles, illustrating how the three organizations collaborate to protect agribusiness interests and shape policy outcomes.⁷³

In addition to its influence through IPA and FPA, CNA also lobbies directly within government power spheres. The organization has good access to regulatory agencies and government ministries, and it is not uncommon for its members to be received by cabinet ministers and also with members of Brazil’s Supreme Court.⁷⁴ ⁷⁵ During these meetings with government members, CNA frequently presents the sector’s demands directly.⁷⁶

On its website, CNA states that it has 189 representatives in federal government ministries.⁷⁷ These representatives sit on working groups, thematic chambers, committees, technical commissions, and councils. These initiatives are purely consultative in nature. Among the main ones are 112 in the Ministry of Agriculture, 31 in the Ministry of Labor and Employment, and 26 in the Ministry of the Environment and Climate Change.

In addition, CNA also holds five seats in the Office of the President of the Republic and two representations at public research body Embrapa. The participants, number of meetings, and objectives of each of these representations with government entities have not been made public.

Funding

Traditionally the main source of funding for CNA comes from a contribution from rural unions, which was mandatory for all producers, agribusinesses, trade unions, and companies providing rural services. It was calculated based on criteria such as information from the Rural Property Tax Registry (CAFIR) or the share of the property’s equity capital.

In 2018, then-president Michel Temer determined that the National Rural Learning Service (Senar) allocate 5 percent of its revenue to CNA.⁷⁸ The purpose of this measure was to provide an alternative funding source to compensate for the decline in revenue following the end of mandatory union contributions in 2017.

CNA is also funded through CNA Fiagro, an investment fund created in 2009 to provide microcredit to small and medium-sized rural producers.⁷⁹

Affiliations

CNA is composed of state federations. These entities themselves are made up of dozens of rural employer unions, which are linked to producer companies. However, the membership lists are not publicly disclosed. CNA frequently takes part in initiatives and campaigns alongside agribusiness giants such as Cargill and Bunge.

CNA usually acts in partnership with the Parliamentary Front for Agriculture and Livestock (FPA), one of the most well-organized caucuses in Congress, and a direct representative of agribusiness interests. At times, CNA even hosts FPA meetings, such as in August 2025, when the Climate Plan and environmental licensing were discussed.⁸⁰

The CNA presidency is often occupied by prominent members of the FPA.⁸¹ This was the case, for example, with former Minister of Agriculture, former federal deputy, and former senator Kátia Abreu. While holding elected office, she served as CNA’s top leader between 2008 and 2015. The current president of the organization, João Martins da Silva Junior, does not have a background as a legislator.

CNA is also a member of the Instituto Pensar Agro (IPA), an agribusiness think tank that operates as a lobbying and pressure group in Congress.⁸² The IPA also provides materials and draft bills to support and influence the decisions of deputies and senators.

CNA is a member of the World Farmers’ Organization.⁸³ It is also associated with the Brazilian National Rural Learning Service (Senar), which provides technical assistance as well as educational and professional training for rural producers.⁸⁴

Resources

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18
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19
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20
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21
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22
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23
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24
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25
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26
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27
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29
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30
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31
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32
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33
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34
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35
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36
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37
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38
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39
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40
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41
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42
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43
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44
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45
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46
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47
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48
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49
Carlos Juliano Barros, “Aprovação do ‘PL da Devastação’ no Senado será ‘maior retrocesso’, diz manifesto,” Repórter Brasil, May 20, 2025. Archived July 22, 2025. Archive URL: https://archive.ph/xbnIA
50
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51
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52
“Agronegócio brasileiro leva à COP30 exemplos de sustentabilidade,” Estúdio Folha, June 27, 2025. Archived August 17, 2025. Archive URL: https://archive.ph/K7zhN
53
“Agronegócio brasileiro leva à COP30 exemplos de sustentabilidade,” Estúdio Folha, June 27, 2025. Archived August 17, 2025. Archive URL: https://archive.ph/K7zhN
54
“CADE suspende Moratória da Soja após pedido da CNA,” CNA, August 18, 2025. Archived August 22, 2025. Archive URL: https://archive.ph/scpOZ
55
Murillo Camarotto e Rafael Walendorff, “CNA aciona Cade contra Moratória da Soja,” Globo Rural, February 13, 2025. Archived March 29, 2025. Archive URL: https://archive.ph/etzpf
56
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57
“União Europeia adiará implementação de lei antidesmatamento pela segunda vez,” Folha de S. Paolo, September 23, 2025. Archived October 11, 2025. Archive URL: https://archive.ph/cbVJl
58
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59
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60
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61
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62
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63
“CNA defende constitucionalidade da lei do marco temporal,” Pensar Agro, August 7, 2024. Archived May 13, 2025. Archive URL: https://archive.ph/eNEKH
64
“Senadores cobram votação de propostas sobre marco temporal de terras indígenas,” Senado Notícias, February 21, 2025. Archived August 3, 2025. Archive URL: https://archive.ph/gJZFE
65
“CNA vai ao STF defender lei que estabelece marco temporal,” CNA, February 1, 2024. Archived June 22, 2025. Archive URL: https://archive.ph/d6vRb
66
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67
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68
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69
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