By Gregory J. Carbone, Professor of Geography, University of Southย Carolina
When asked about major threats to their country, Europeans are more likely than Americans to cite global climate change, according to aย recent Pew Research Center survey. Just 56 percent of Americans see climate change as a major threat, versus an average of 64 percent of Europeansย surveyed.
Why the difference? Like climate data itself, data regarding public concern for climate change are โnoisy.โ Public response can vary depending on whatโs going on in the news that week. Surveys of these types of surveysย find no single explanationย for how the public perceives the threat of climateย change.
Of course, many explanations exist. As a climatologist who has taught university classes and given public lectures on global climate change for 30 years, I find it clear that public concern about climate change has evolved dramatically over the past three decades. In the U.S., now more than ever, it seems tied toย ideology.
Knowing theย facts
Doesย scientific literacyย influence responses? Some psychologists think so. Indeed,ย some surveysย show that Europeans have significantly greater scientific knowledge about the causes of climate change thanย Americans.
Itโs possible that such knowledge translates into a sense of responsibility for mitigating climate change. But having more general scientific knowledge is not as relevant as knowingย specifically about climate change.
A personโs outlook on the world can also complicate matters.ย Another recent Pew surveyfound that Americans are more likely to believe they control their own destiny and that they โtend to prioritize individual liberty, while Europeans tend to value the role of the state to ensure no one in society is inย need.โ
Research on the respective roles of scientific literacy and worldview reaches different conclusions.ย Psychologist Sophie Guy and colleagues argueย that knowing the causes of climate change makes people more willing to accept the reality of climate change or to moderate their ideological opposition toย it.
By contrast, Yale scholarย Dan Kahan and colleaguesย find that people with the highest level of scientific literacy often use that literacy to retain and justify prior beliefs โ what they call the โpolarizing impact of science literacy.โ In other words: โIโm smart, Iโve read the evidence and it confirms my prior understanding.โ Climate change reflects aย threatย not only to oneโs local environment, but also to oneโsย worldview.
Politicalย affiliation
When you look more closely at recent survey responses in the U.S., the most striking and consistent finding is thatย political affiliationย influences perceptions of climateย change.
In the U.S., Democrats report, at consistently higher rates than Republicans, that climate change exists. Merely substituting the term โglobal warmingโ โ now a politically charged catchword โ for โclimate changeโย makes the differences larger.
The divide between parties within the U.S. far exceeds the divide found between the U.S. as a whole and Europe. Political divisions also exist in Europe, and public opinion polls in theย U.K.ย andย Norwayย show that party similarly influences the perceived threat of climate change. However, thereโs some evidence that the U.S. Republican Party isย anomalous among conservative partiesย internationally. In other words, U.S. Republicans are more starkly anti-climate change than other conservative partiesย internationally.
Itโs possible that the strong two-party system in the U.S. leads to a more binary mode of thinking on this issue that does not accurately represent that of the scientific community. Sociologistย Aaron McCright and his colleaguesย argue that the high number of Americans identifying with the political right explains why the U.S., unlike other wealthy countries, isย less concernedย about climateย change.
Closing theย gap
Some suggest that the political divide has fueled an industry of climate change deniers and skeptics, distorting public perception about climate change science. Science historians Naomi Oreskes and Erik Conway argue in their bookย โMerchants of Doubtโย that denial is about more than the science. Itโs about political and economic systems that individuals hold dear. It also can result fromย differences in professional culture or personal values.
In the U.S., many of the most vocal skeptics and deniers of climate change emerge fromย conservative think tanksย that revere theย industrial capitalist system.
In Europe, differences between countries can also be explained by theย voices of conservative think tanks and the media, but these voices are more influential in the U.S. than anywhere else because of the two-party system. Partisan clashes about climate change emerge from influential, well-funded sources that wield great influence onย Congress, the media and ultimately the public. By contrast, most European countries have more than two parties, and arguably the political influence of corporations isย lower.
Given the political divide on climate change in the U.S., addressing this 21st-century threat will require creative thinking thatย recognizes different worldviewsย and โbeliefsโ in climate change.ย The U.S. House Climate Solutions Caucusย is a step in the rightย direction.
By Gregory J. Carbone, Professor of Geography, University of Southย Carolina
This article was originally published onย The Conversation. Read theย original article.
Blog image: Nuisance flooding โ flooding from ordinary high tides exacerbated by sea level rise and accompanying land subsidence โ has increased 400 percent in Charleston, South Carolina since 1960.ย Stephen B. Morton/APย Photo
Subscribe to our newsletter
Stay up to date with DeSmog news and alerts