Climate Deniers Waiting in the Wings as Trump Reclaims Presidency

Meet those aiming to capitalize on Trump’s re-election by slashing climate action, from Koch network fixtures to Project 2025 and beyond.
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Donald Trump peers around a flag next to a blue stage curtain
Donald Trump peers around a flag while waiting to appear onstage at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) in February 2024. Credit: Zach D. Roberts

In the wake of Donald Trumpโ€™s electoral victory early Wednesday morning, climate policy in the U.S. enters an uncertain new era. Some themes are already apparent: Trump has pledged to scale up domestic fossil fuel production while making a broader push to deregulate industry. He also seems intent on scaling back the Inflation Reduction Act, the groundbreaking spending bill thatโ€™s already built out clean-tech infrastructure and added thousands of green jobs (mostly in politically conservative states). 

But how far will Trump go, and how exactly will his administrationโ€™s anti-environmental stance play out? That remains to be seen โ€”ย and will surely depend on the counsel of senior staffers in his orbit. Itโ€™s too soon to say exactly who those key appointees will be (UPDATE 11/11/24: although some are starting to trickle in, like his pick of Lee Zeldin to lead the Environmental Protection Agency), and, as Heatmapโ€™s Robinson Meyer points out, their policy positions wonโ€™t be monolithic. Just look at Elon Musk, the key Trump campaign ally and megadonor who appears poised to play an influential role in the White House, who also happens to be CEO of a famous EV company.ย 

Yet judging from Trumpโ€™s track record and recent statements, antipathy toward environmental regulations and decarbonization incentives seems an all but certain theme. And many of Trumpโ€™s first-term appointees โ€” including some potentially poised to return to power โ€” have histories of active climate crisis denial and delay. Former Trump officials spent the past four years lobbying for energy companies (including those theyโ€™d recently regulated), and contributed to the Heritage Foundationโ€™s โ€œMandate for Leadershipโ€ document, the foundation of the now-notorious Project 2025 initiative. The Heritage-led effort, despite the once and future presidentโ€™s feigned disavowals, features key contributions from his former staffers, including in sections that suggest dismantling the parts of government most focused on addressing climate change and environmental injustice. 

Here are the individuals and organizations that may do the most to help shape the incoming administrationโ€™s energy and climate-related moves as well as the environmental policy priorities that Project 2025 outlines for each executive branch agency.

Key Individuals 

Former EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler, right, appeared with two oil industry representatives on a February 2024 panel titled "Putting our Heads in the Gas Stove."
Former EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler, right, appeared with two oil industry representatives on a February 2024 panel titled “Putting our Heads in the Gas Stove.” Credit: Zach D. Roberts

Andrew Wheeler โ€” After leaving office as Trumpโ€™s (second) U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) administrator, Wheeler spent much of his post-Trump tenure working for Virginia Republican governor Gov. Glenn Youngkin. But in April, Wheeler left government and joined the law firm Holland & Hart, which touted the benefits Wheeler could bring for its โ€œenergy and natural resources clients.โ€ 

During his earlier stint leading the EPA, Wheeler came under fire for overseeing โ€œfavorable decisionsโ€ for his past lobbying clients, including fossil fuel giants like coal company Murray Energy and the utility Xcel Energy. The New York Times tracked over 100 environmental rules rolled back by the EPA under Trump, the majority on Wheelerโ€™s watch.

Long before he took over the EPA, Wheeler worked for the notorious climate denier Oklahoma Senator James Inhofe. During his 2019 nomination hearing, which followed the resignation of Trumpโ€™s first EPA chief Scott Pruitt, Wheeler said he would โ€œnot use the โ€˜hoaxโ€™ word myselfโ€ to describe climate change, but added he would also โ€œnot call it the greatest crisis.โ€ Mandy Gunasekara, a Project 2025 co-author, backed a Wheeler return for Trumpโ€™s second term in a November 1 New York Times interview.

David Bernhardt โ€” A long-time oil lobbyist, Bernhardt replaced Ryan Zinke as Trumpโ€™s Secretary of the Interior in April 2019. โ€œItโ€™s not so much who has he helped. Itโ€™s who hasnโ€™t he helped in industry so far,โ€ Bobby McEnaney, a Natural Resources Defense Council analyst, told The Guardian in 2018 during Bernhardtโ€™s nomination hearings. 

In 2019, Bernhardt told Congress he hadnโ€™t โ€œlost any sleepโ€ over rising greenhouse gas levels on his watch. He also shrank the Bears Ears and Grand Staircase-Escalante national monuments in southern Utah to allow drilling and mining (a move later reversed by Pres. Biden), called in National Park Service police to tear-gas peaceful civil rights protesters at Washington, DCโ€™s Lafayette Square, undercut protections for endangered species โ€” and much more

In 2021, Bernhardt returned to Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, the same law firm where heโ€™d worked for oil industry clients before joining the Trump administration. His past lobbying clients include the Independent Petroleum Association of America, the Freeport LNG Expansion, Targa Resources, Noble Energy, Halliburton, and a host of other fossil fuel industry companies. Bernhardt is rumored to be a candidate for a โ€œsenior postโ€ in the incoming Trump administration, according to E&E News.

President Donald J. Trump, joined by U.S. Rep. Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., Secretary of the Interior David Bernhardt, California representatives Devin Nunes and Tom Clintock, R-Calif., and Central Valley farmers, signs a U.S. Interior Department Record of Decision to improve California water accessibility for rural stakeholders February 19, 2020, in Bakersville, California.
President Donald Trump, joined by U.S. Rep. Kevin McCarthy, Secretary of the Interior David Bernhardt (third from right), California representatives Devin Nunes and Tom Clintock, and Central Valley farmers, signs a U.S. Interior Department Record of Decision to improve California water accessibility for rural stakeholders February 19, 2020, in Bakersville, California. Credit: White House/Shealah Craighead, public domain

Mandy Gunasekara โ€” The former Environmental Protection Agency Chief of Staff under Andrew Wheeler, Gunasekara helped to drive environmental priorities for the Trump-Pence administration; in her bio on X, she has claimed to be Trumpโ€™s โ€œtop environmental person.โ€ After leaving office, she became director of the Center on Energy and Conservation at the Independent Womenโ€™s Forum, a think tank with a history of taking obstructionist stances on climate progress. 

Her career after government also included work as a senior fellow at the Texas Public Policy Foundation, the think tank current Heritage Foundation CEO and Project 2025 mastermind Kevin D. Roberts spent much of his career leading. Gunasekara authored Project 2025โ€™s chapter on the EPA, where she accused the agency of saddling industry with โ€œcostly, job-killing regulations,โ€ and proposed rolling back greenhouse gas emissions standards and reporting protocols as well as a sweeping agency reorganization that includes axing the office overseeing environmental justice. She also authored Yโ€™all Fired, a forthcoming book proposing to reshape federal oversight using mass layoffs. 

Bernard McNamee โ€” The author of Project 2025โ€™s plans for the Department of Energy and โ€œrelated commissions,โ€ McNamee was first nominated to serve as one of five Federal Regulatory Energy Commission (FERC) commissioners by Trump in 2018. After leaving FERC in September 2020, McNamee returned to the law firm McGuireWoods where, according to his LinkedIn, he now โ€œassists clients with rulemakings before federal agencies, including FERC, USDOE and EPA.โ€ While most of those clients arenโ€™t publicly known, they appear to include Dominion Energy, a utility company that today still runs on coal, natural gas, and oil. McNamee has been registered as a lobbyist for the company in Virginia since December 2023. (Dominion denied any involvement in Project 2025 in a statement to Virginia Public Media in August). 

Itโ€™s not McNameeโ€™s first time spinning through the revolving door between regulator and industry. Before arriving at FERC, he spent 10 months as a deputy general counsel at the Department of Energy. On leaving that job, he ran the Texas Public Policy Foundationโ€™s pro-fossil fuel Life:Powered initiative for about four months โ€” then returned to DOE, where he briefly directed the Office of Policy.

โ€œThereโ€™s an organized propaganda campaign against fossil fuels,โ€ McNamee said in 2018, while he spoke at a Texas Public Policy Foundation event, according to video unearthed by the Energy and Policy Institute. โ€œYou talk to people in corporate boardrooms now. Theyโ€™re all buying into this.โ€ 

Key Organizations

A Trump supporter wears a red ball cap and shirt that reads "Trump 47" in a crowd with a giant American flag in the background.
A Trump supporter at CPAC in February 2024. Credit: Zach D. Roberts

In the sections of Project 2025โ€™s โ€œMandate for Leadershipโ€ that deal directly with climate, staffers from a handful of organizations play an outsized role โ€” suggesting their influence within conservative politics, and their likely relevance to the incoming administration. The organizations that specifically helped to craft Project 2025โ€™s climate agenda include several tracked by DeSmog, especially:

The Heritage Foundation โ€” Forty-seven of Project 2025โ€™s 233 contributors gave their Heritage Foundation affiliation, including contributors to sections on the Department of Energy, Interior, Transportation, Commerce, and the Treasury โ€” all of which push for climate-related policy changes.

Heritage Foundation president Kevin Roberts personally wrote the foreword to the Project 2025 Mandate for Leadership. Roberts was CEO of the Texas Public Policy Foundation, another long-time part of the Koch network with a history of climate denial, before he took the helm at Heritage in 2021. “[W]e are in the process of the second American Revolution, which will remain bloodless if the left allows it to be,” Roberts said on Steve Bannonโ€™s radio show in July.

In 2016, Heritage was nicknamed Trumpโ€™s โ€œShadow Transition Team.โ€ Their 2024 directors include Diana Furchgott-Roth, author of a 2022 Forbes post on climate change, in which she claimed that โ€œsome research shows little change.โ€

Competitive Enterprise Institute โ€” Eight Project 2025 contributors listed their Competitive Enterprise Institute affiliations, making CEI the third-most represented organization in Project 2025โ€™s plans for the incoming Trump administration.

CEIโ€™s representatives contributed to Project 2025โ€™s sections on the Department of Energy, the Treasury, the Department of Commerce, and trade policies โ€” all of which discuss climate change or carry implications for the climate.

In 2016, CEIโ€™s then-leader Myron Ebell (who spent nearly 25 years at CEI before retiring this year) led Trumpโ€™s EPA transition team. โ€œCEI questions global warming alarmism,โ€ the organization wrote in 2016, as DeSmog notes in the groupโ€™s Climate Disinformation Database profile, adding that it opposed โ€œEPA regulation of greenhouse gas emissions.โ€

Today, CEI calls itself โ€œinstrumental in fighting decades of climate alarmism.โ€ The organization credits itself with leading coalitions that defeated ratification of the Kyoto Protocol in 1997, stopping a major cap-and-trade bill in 2009, and โ€œconvincing President Trump to withdraw from the 2015 Paris climate treaty.โ€

Texas Public Policy Foundation โ€” Brent Bennet, policy director of TPPFโ€™s Life:Powered initiative, contributed to Project 2025โ€™s Energy Department discussion. In addition to its long-running ties to the Koch network, TPPF has also been funded by oil majors, including Shell (which funded many other groups involved in Project 2025, DeSmog revealed in August) and ExxonMobil.

At a TPPF event this summer, Benny Peiser, the director of the Global Warming Policy Foundation โ€œclaimed that net zero โ€˜requires governments to become authoritarian,โ€™โ€ DeSmog reported in June. 

Institute for Energy Research โ€” The Institute for Energy Researchโ€™s long-time leader Tom Pyle, who also runs the advocacy group American Energy Alliance, was one of the contributors to Project 2025โ€™s section on the Department of Energy. IERโ€™s Dan Kish is also acknowledged as a contributor to Project 2025โ€™s discussion of the Interior Department.

โ€œBoth Pyle and his firm have lobbied for the National Petrochemical & Refiners Association (now the American Fuel & Petrochemical Manufacturers) and for Koch Industries,โ€ DeSmogโ€™s profile on Pyle notes.

Pyle previously worked to shape the first Trump administrationโ€™s energy policies as head of Trumpโ€™s transition energy team, as DeSmog reported back in December 2016. 

Trump went on to pursue many of the goals called for in Pyleโ€™s 2016 โ€œTrump Administration Energy Plan,โ€ including backing out of the Paris Agreement, increased oil and gas leasing on federal lands, and rolling back fuel economy standards, which was a major priority of Pyleโ€™s client the oil refining group AFPM


RELATED: We unraveled the $122 million web of climate denial, political extremism, and Trump ties to Project 2025


Western Energy Alliance โ€” In the footnotes to Project 2025โ€™s chapter on the Department of the Interior, author William Perry Pendley reveals that โ€œKathleen Sgamma, Dan Kish, and Katie Tubb wrote the section on energy in its entirety.โ€ Sgamma is president of the Western Energy Alliance. (Tubb is a former Heritage Foundation policy analyst and Kish, as noted above, is with IER).

Western Energy Alliance is an oil and gas trade group. It calls itself โ€œthe unified voice and backbone for independent oil and natural gas companies in the Westโ€ and, DeSmogโ€™s profile notes, the group represents hundreds of oil and gas companies. Under the first Trump administration, the Western Energy Alliance was involved with a possible plan to move control of oil and gas development on federal lands to the states.

Other groups contributing to Project 2025 chapters that discuss climate change include the Koch-linked Americans for Prosperity, Reason Foundation and Mercatus Center

Policy Priorities 

So what exactly do many of these groups want from a second Trump term? Project 2025โ€™s Mandate for Leadership plan organizes its demands for rolling back environmental protections and preventing climate action into chapters, each covering its plans for executive branch agencies, including:

Environmental Protection Agency headquarters in Washington, D.C.
Environmental Protection Agency headquarters in Washington, D.C. Credit: US EPA

The Environmental Protection Agency โ€” Section author: Mandy Gunasekara (see above) Project 2025โ€™s plan for the EPA would effectively โ€œcut any program focused on climate, limit the agency’s ability to regulate under both the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act,โ€ slash environmental justice programs, revive the โ€˜secret scienceโ€™ proposal from Trumpโ€™s first term, undercut the Inflation Reduction Act and more, as Drilledโ€™s Amy Westervelt summarized it.

And thatโ€™s not all. Project 2025 also seeks to gut the National Environmental Policy Act (or NEPA, one of the nationโ€™s bedrock federal environmental laws) as well as the Endangered Species Act. โ€œThe President should instruct the [White House Council on Environmental Quality] to rewrite its regulations implementing NEPA along the lines of the historic 2020 effort and restoring its key provisions such as banning the use of cumulative impact analysis,โ€ Gunasekara wrote, referring to Trumpโ€™s bid to single-handedly slash permitting regulations just before the 2020 election.

Department of Energy and Related Commissions โ€” Section author: Bernard L. McNamee (see above) โ€œEnd the focus on climate change and green subsidies,โ€ McNamee wrote in the Project 2025 Mandate for Leadership. โ€œEliminate energy efficiency standards for appliances.โ€

โ€œEnd grid planning,โ€ he added, faulting DOEโ€™s electricity grid planning as working โ€œfor the benefit of renewable resources or supporting low/carbon generation.โ€

Project 2025โ€™s DOE recommendations also include dismantling efforts to combat racism in the energy sector and unfair impacts from pollution on communities of color, dismissing energy justice as โ€œpoliticized social agendas.โ€ 

DOEโ€™s Office of Fossil Energy should be revived, it adds, โ€œwith its original mission: increasing energy security and supply through fossil fuels.โ€ 

Not all of Project 2025โ€™s plans are likely to draw support across the oil and gas industry, however. McNamee also proposed scrapping the controversial 45Q carbon capture tax credit, whose biggest expected beneficiaries include oil and gas companies like Occidental and BP.

Treasury โ€” Project 2025โ€™s section on the Treasury was co-authored by Steven Moore, a Heritage Foundation senior fellow and co-author with Sgamma of a pro-fracking book titled Fueling Freedom: Exposing the Mad War on Energy.

โ€œThe next Administration should eliminate the Climate Hub Office and withdraw from climate change agreements that are inimical to the prosperity of the United States,โ€ Project 2025โ€™s section on the Treasury Department proposes.


RELATED: Meet the friendly new face of dark money: How Fidelity, Schwab, and Vanguard helped wealthy donors pour $171 million of dark money into Project 2025


Interior โ€” Mostly written by William Perry Pendley (who, a federal court found in 2020, illegally ran the Bureau of Land Management under Trump), Project 2025โ€™s Interior Department section covers major federal agencies with big impacts on oil, gas, and coal. That includes agencies such as the Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement (BSEE), which is tasked with regulating offshore oil and gas drilling to prevent oil spills and protect worker safety, the Office of Surface Mining Reclamation and Enforcement, U.S. Fish and Wildlife, and the U.S. Geological Survey. 

โ€˜โ€œGiven the dire adverse national impact of Bidenโ€™s war on fossil fuels, no other initiative is as important for the DOI under a conservative President than the restoration of the departmentโ€™s historic role managing the nationโ€™s vast storehouse of hydrocarbons, much of which is yet to be discovered,โ€ Project 2025 claims. (Under Biden, the U.S. became the worldโ€™s top exporter of liquefied natural gas and the top producer of oil globally.) 

Department of Transportation โ€” In a chapter penned by Diana Furchgott-Roth, Project 2025 calls for making cars less fuel efficient by unwinding fuel economy requirements, preventing the EPA from playing a role in carbon dioxide emissions from vehicle engines, and revoking Californiaโ€™s unique ability to set stricter fuel economy standards. 

Department of Commerce โ€” The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) is a Commerce Department agency that houses the National Weather Service and many climate, environmental, and ocean research offices โ€” and Project 2025 has a simple plan for NOAA: elimination. 

The agency โ€œshould be dismantled and many of its functions eliminated, sent to other agencies, privatized, or placed under the control of states and territories,โ€ Project 2025 says.

International Development Agency โ€” โ€œUSAID should cease its war on fossil fuels in the developing world and support the responsible management of oil and gas reserves as the quickest way to end wrenching poverty and the need for open-ended foreign aid,โ€ Project 2025โ€™s plan demands. โ€œThe agency should cease collaborating with and funding progressive foundations, corporations, international institutions, and NGOs that advocate on behalf of climate fanaticism.โ€

Securities and Exchange Commission โ€” If Project 2025โ€™s backers have their way, the SEC will be required to โ€œoppose efforts to redefine the purpose of business in the name of social justice; corporate social responsibility (CSR); stakeholder theory; environmental, social, and governance (ESG) criteria; socially responsible investing (SRI); sustainability; diversity; business ethics; or common-good capitalism.โ€

Department of Justice and the Federal Communications Commission โ€” In addition to direct attacks on climate policies, the new administration is expected to โ€œturn the Department of Justice and the Federal Communications Commission against the media, which will entail a raft of leak investigations, the politicization of broadcast licenses and antitrust litigation, and the potential indictment of journalists for espionage,โ€ according to the Columbia Journalism Review. โ€œReporters covering protests and immigration enforcement will face detention from not just local police, but the Department of Homeland Security. Itโ€™s possible that Trump may even seek congressional action to reform libel laws or otherwise criminalize dissent.โ€ 

Project 2025 urges the Justice Department to โ€œuse all of the tools at its disposal to investigate leaksโ€ while its FCC chapter calls for the unwinding of media ownership rules designed to keep the press independent by limiting the number of broadcast stations that one corporation can own.

RELATED: See DeSmog’s Climate Disinformation Database for more research on the individuals and organizations that have helped to push climate denial and delay

authordefault
Joe Fassler is a writer and journalist whose work on climate and technology appears in outlets like The Guardian, The New York Times, and Wired. His novel, The Sky Was Ours, is forthcoming from Penguin Books.
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Sharon Kelly is an attorney and investigative reporter based in Pennsylvania. She was previously a senior correspondent at The Capitol Forum and, prior to that, she reported for The New York Times, The Guardian, The Nation, Earth Island Journal, and a variety of other print and online publications.

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