Showdown in Trans Pecos: Texas Ranchers Stand Up to Billionaires' Export Pipeline

picture-7019-1570723309.jpg
on

Mexicoโ€™s landmark energy reforms are already having impacts north of the border, and nowhere more acutely than Texas. One pipeline project in particular is raising hackles in some Far West Texas communities, where residents are troubled by the prospect of hosting a pipeline that would be built for the express purpose of exporting natural gas across theย border.

The proposed Trans Pecos pipeline would run from a natural gas hub in Pecos County to the border town of Presidio, where it would connect with another pipeline in Mexican border town Ojinaga to funnel natural gas to Mexicoโ€™sย interior.

Nestled between the Davis Mountains and Big Bend National Park, the high desert region known as Trans Pecos has become a haven for many Texans who sought to get away from the omnipresence of oil and gas industry and infrastructure in the state. Ranchers and other conservationists in towns like Marfa and Alpine are none too pleased with the prospect of the industryโ€™s arrival in the area, or of assuming all the safety risk for a pipeline that wouldnโ€™t be feeding the energy needs ofย Texans.

Background on Fracking inย Mexico

Natural gas is slated to play a huge role in Mexicoโ€™s new energy economy after the overhaul adopted in December of 2013. President Enrique Peรฑa Nieto has announced plans to boost the nationโ€™s natural gas output from current levels of 5.7 billion cubic feet per day to 8 billion by 2018, and to double production within a decade. Natural gas is seen by the administration as essential in powering new industry and new electricityย generation.

Mexican officials are looking to foreign companies to bring their hydrofracking expertise to the countryโ€™s vast gas fields, many of which lie in the Burgos Basin, just across the border from Texasโ€™ prolific Eagle Ford shaleย fields.

But until production actually ramps up in Mexico, Pemex, the state-owned and operated energy company, is working to import natural gas to fuel industrial growth and gas-fired powerย plants.

And so Pemex and Mexicoโ€™s Comisiรณn Federal de Electricidad (Federal Electricity Commission, or CFE) are building out infrastructure to support current natural gas needs, and futureย development.

These include pipelines to import gas from the United States, like Trans Pecos, and others like Los Ramones that run within Mexico to carry the Texas fracked gas to industrial demand centers. Los Ramones, which we covered previously on DeSmogBlog, was officially the first infrastructure project bid out to foreign investors after the landmark energyย reforms.

What is the Trans Pecosย pipeline?

The Trans Pecos pipeline would run 143 miles from a natural gas hub near the town of Coyanosa in Pecos County down to the border town of Presidio, where it would connect with a short 1,000 foot cross-border pipeline connecting to another line in the Mexican town of Ojinaga. At 42 inches in diameter, it would be capable of moving 1.4 billion cubic feet of natural gas aย day.

ย Waha Hub-Presidio TPP at EveryTrail

Map by Coyne Gibson usingย EveryTrail

From Ojinaga, the natural gas born in Texasโ€™s Permean Basin would flow through another 42-inch, 120-mile pipeline to El Encino in the northern state of Chihuahua. The Ojinaga-El Encino line was recently bid out to IEnova, the Mexican unit of California-based Sempraย Energy.

These are two of a handful of natural gas pipeline projects announced last June by CFE, including three that would operate in the United States to importย gas.

Mexico awarded the construction and operation contract for the Trans-Pecos to Dallas-based Energy Transfer Partners, run by pipeline billionaire Kelcy Warren. Warren is partneringย on the projectย with Mexicoโ€™s Carlos Slim, the worldโ€™s second richest man, according toย Forbes.ย 

A West Texasย showdown

Ever since the project was formally announced by Mexicoโ€™s CFE last year, locals along the proposed pipeline route have been concerned. This concern has grown to all out alarm in recent months, with the imminent reality of private land seizure and an influx of constructionย workers.

At a packed community meeting in the Big Bend town of Alpine, Mark Glover of the Big Bend Conservation Alliance said, โ€œWeโ€™re all here tonight because of a 42-inch gas pipeline that threatens our way of life, our land, and also, our sensibilities on how business ought to beย done.โ€

According to Marfa Public Radio, Gloverโ€™s group is working to โ€œbuild a coalition of landowners, ranchers and progressive environmentalists who see any kind of industry activity here as an existentialย threat.โ€

Graphic from the Big Bend Conservation Alliance Facebook page.

In April, Energy Transfer Partners hosted a series of informational meetings to try to rally public support, or at least diffuse public opposition. The 30 reps Energy Transfer sent to the meeting in Alpine were well outnumbered by the more than 200ย attendees.

Coyne Gibson, a former engineer within the oil and gas industry, now aligns himself with the Big Bend Conservation Alliance,ย  was present at both Presidio and Alpine meetings, and explained the pipeline companyโ€™s PR strategy to the Big Bend Sentinel:

Weโ€™re playing ball with experts here. If youโ€™re the pipeline company, you want this to go through, and youโ€™re going to do your best to control the flow of information. Youโ€™re going to diffuse the energy of the people that might oppose you. And youโ€™re going to conduct sessions just like this thatโ€™s orchestrated by bright, sharp people engaging youย directly.

At the meetings, the community members expressed fears of pipeline safety โ€” spills and explosions โ€” and of the potential impact of an influx of temporary construction workers on the quiet communities.

But, predictably, the loudest and most passionate protests came from landowners along the proposed pipelineโ€™s route, who fear their property will be taken by eminentย domain.

Pipelines vs. Private Land: Eminentย Domain

When it comes to oil and gas pipelines, Texas has some of the countryโ€™s weakest private land protections, a particular irony here in Far West Texas where ranchers and property owners are granted remarkably liberal rights to bear arms to protect their privateย property.

In Texas, companies can seize private land to build pipelines because they are deemed in the โ€œpublic good.โ€ Pipeline companies are legally classified as โ€œcommon carriers,โ€ carrying commodities from multiple producers to serve customers who might not otherwise have access.

Pipeline opponents are asking how Trans Pecos would serve the โ€œpublic goodโ€ by exporting gas to customers inย Mexico.

Energy Transfer and its contractors have already lost the faith of many local landowners by flouting local laws and courtesies in surveying the pipeline. This spring, a local rancher and former County Judge found a surveyor on her property. โ€œHe told us quite unabashedly that he was surveying for the pipeline,โ€ Val Beard told Marfa Public Radio. โ€œWe told him he had no permission to be there and would have to vacate theย ranch.โ€

Beard, along with roughly 300 other landowners, had received letters from Legacy Field Services, a surveying company hired by Energy Transfer, with an โ€œambiguousโ€ request to survey on privateย property.

One example of the letter, excerpted by the Big Bend Sentinel, stated:

โ€œTrans Pecos Pipeline LLC is developing a natural gas liquids pipeline project in Brewster County, Texas that may cross property in which you have an interest. At this stage of development, Comanche Trail Pipeline LLC is only requesting your permission to conduct surveys on your property to evaluate a potentialย route.โ€

โ€œThey said they want to do a survey but they didnโ€™t give us any specific information on our property,โ€ Liz Sibley, a letter recipient, told the Big Bend Sentinel. โ€œIt was extremely ambiguous, and I think the ambiguity sends out the wrongย message.โ€

According to Beard, no permission was granted. โ€It is not only illegal but profoundly discourteous. Itโ€™s just not done out here,โ€ she said of the companyโ€™s move to survey her land without receivingย permission.

Granado Communications, the Dallas-based PR firm working for Energy Transfer, sent an email to the Beards apologizing for the trespass, but landowners like Beard are saying the โ€œwhole approach signals badย faith.โ€

At one of the informational meetings, Energy Transfer reps argued that eminent domain takings would be a โ€œvery last resort.โ€ The company, however, has not shied away from seizure in the past, and just this spring sued 17 property owners in Michigan for refusing to allow survey crews on private property.

Getting classified as a โ€œcommon carrier,โ€ and thus having right to seize private property for a pipelineโ€™s path, is slightly harder today in Texas than it was five years ago.

Before a landmark court case against Denbury Energy in 2011, companies simply had to check a box stating that they are โ€œcommon carriers.โ€ Now, they have to prove to the public, and to the courts, that they actually do have the right to condemn land for the public good.

Still, itโ€™s an uphill battle against eminent domain for landowners in Texas. No projects have been canceled over private property rights since the courtโ€™s decision, and only a few were delayed or re-routed to avoid areas of intense litigation. (Marfa Public Radio has a great overview of eminent domain and pipelines in Texas.)

Pipeline opponents are vowing to defend their private property rights, and a legal battle over eminent domain seemsย imminent.

Who decides Trans-Pecosโ€™ย fate?

Aside from the hyperlocal battles over the pipelineโ€™s route and the right of the company to seize private property, thereโ€™s also controversy over how the pipeline will get permitted, and who will regulate its construction andย operation.

Energy Transfer Partners has claimed publicly that Trans Pecos is an โ€œintrastateโ€ pipeline, operating and existing within state borders. If so, it would fall under the authority of the Railroad Commission of Texas.

Lisa Dillinger, a spokesperson for Energy Transfer Partners said that the โ€œTexas Railroad Commission has authority over intrastate pipelines, which this pipeline is because it ends custody at the Rio Grande. In that sense it is withinย Texas.โ€

The Big Bend Sentinel further explains:

She added that only the 1,000-foot stretch of pipeline required for the border crossing would require a presidential permit, while the remaining 140 miles of pipeline traversing West Texas would require a T-4 form โ€“ the standard application for permit to operate a pipeline through Texas โ€“ via the Texas Railroad Commission. And from Mexico onward, the pipeline would be subject to Mexicanย custody.

At the community meeting in Alpine, an Energy Transfer employee told the Sentinel that โ€œthe pipeline company had already filed and been approved for its T-4ย permit.โ€

In an email to DeSmog, Railroad Commission spokesperson Ramona Nye confirmed that the T-4 permit wasย granted:

The Railroad Commission requests that all pipelines file T-4 permits with our agency so that we have information on Texas pipeline locations and the product they are carrying. This permit contained all required information and was submitted correctly, so it wasย granted.

The Commission hadย first classified the Trans Pecos as interstate, when a reporter from the Big Bend Sentinel provided a brochure from Energy Transfer:

In an April 8 e-mail, spokesperson for the Texas Railroad Commission Ramona Nye responded with the following: โ€œThe Railroad Commissionโ€™s pipeline safety jurisdiction applies only to intrastate pipelines that begin and end in Texas. The Energy Transfer flyer you provided me on this pipeline states the pipeline will terminate with an interconnect with a pipeline near Ojinaga, Chihuahua, Mexico, which means this is an interstate and international pipeline under the pipeline safety authority of the U.S. Department of Transportation Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration, and the U.S. Department of State. In short, their flyer is incorrect, and we are contacting the company to make aย correction.

Nye has since explained to DeSmog that further clarification was sought from Energy Transfer, and with more information from the company, the Commission agreed to categorize the Trans Pecos asย intrastate.

When first asked about this proposed pipeline, the Commission originally categorized it as interstate because it physically terminates outside Texas. After further review of federal regulations and with additional information provided by the company, it was determined because ownership of the proposed line terminated within Texas, it would be an intrastateย line.

Because of this classification, no federal approval of the project is necessary, and the State Department has no jurisdiction over the Trans Pecos. Nye explained furtherย that:

Railroad Commission rules do not require pipelines to be permitted before being built in Texas. Generally, the Railroad Commission has no authority over the routing or siting of pipelines. The pipeline route is determined by the pipelineโ€™s owner/operator. There is no statutory or regulatory requirement that pipeline operators seek or receive from the Railroad Commission either a determination that there is a need for the pipeline capacity or prior approval to construct a pipeline and relatedย facilities.

In short, because of this intrastate designation, the company has sole responsibility over the route and site of the pipeline. Ultimately, it will be up to the courts to determine if โ€œcommon carrierโ€ status will stick, and Energy Transfer has the legal authority to condemn and seize private property from the ranchers and conservationists along the pipeline’s route through the Bigย Bend.ย 

Main image:ย Theย Chihuahuan Desertย ofย Big Bend National Park, in the Trans-Pecos region ofย Texas. Credit:ย Leaflet,ย Publicย Domain

picture-7019-1570723309.jpg
Ben Jervey is a Senior Fellow for DeSmog and directs the KochvsClean.com project. He is a freelance writer, editor, and researcher, specializing in climate change and energy systems and policy. Ben is also a Research Fellow at the Institute for Energy and the Environment at Vermont Law School. He was the original Environment Editor for GOOD Magazine, and wrote a longstanding weekly column titled โ€œThe New Ideal: Building the clean energy economy of the 21st Century and avoiding the worst fates of climate change.โ€ He has also contributed regularly to National Geographic News, Grist, and OnEarth Magazine. He has published three booksโ€”on eco-friendly living in New York City, an Energy 101 primer, and, most recently, โ€œThe Electric Battery: Charging Forward to a Low Carbon Future.โ€ He graduated with a BA in Environmental Studies from Middlebury College, and earned a Masterโ€™s in Energy Regulation and Law at Vermont Law School. A bicycle enthusiast, Ben has ridden across the United States and through much ofย Europe.

Related Posts

Analysis
on

The celebrity investor pitched โ€˜Wonder Valleyโ€™ with no committed investors, no Indigenous partnership, and about 27 megatonnes of projected annual emissions.

The celebrity investor pitched โ€˜Wonder Valleyโ€™ with no committed investors, no Indigenous partnership, and about 27 megatonnes of projected annual emissions.
on

City Council OKs private equity firmโ€™s purchase of Entergy gas utility, undermining climate goals and jacking up prices for the cityโ€™s poorest.

City Council OKs private equity firmโ€™s purchase of Entergy gas utility, undermining climate goals and jacking up prices for the cityโ€™s poorest.
on

With LNG export terminals already authorized to ship nearly half of U.S. natural gas abroad, DOE warns build-out would inflate utility bills nationwide.

With LNG export terminals already authorized to ship nearly half of U.S. natural gas abroad, DOE warns build-out would inflate utility bills nationwide.
Analysis
on

We reflect on a year of agenda-setting stories that charted the political influence of fossil fuel interests in the UK and beyond.

We reflect on a year of agenda-setting stories that charted the political influence of fossil fuel interests in the UK and beyond.