Bonner & Associates: the long and undemocratic history of astroturfing

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With a history that could surprise the most jaded Beltway insider, Jack Bonner, head of the D.C. public relations firm Bonner & Associates, might just be the king of corporate Astroturf in the nationโ€™sย capital.

Whether its on the health care debate or the proposed clean energy bill, a notorious public relations tactic known asย  astroturfing is heavily influencing the publicย conversation.

Astroturfing, the manufacturing of a fake grassroots uprising, is a big money service offered by some very powerful Washington public relations companies. One of the more successful of these is Bonner & Associates, which boasts of a long history of manufacturing fake grassroots movements for corporateย America.ย 

A 1993 New York Times article, A New Breed of Hired Hands Cultivates Grass-Roots Anger, profiles Jack Bonner and his company as a โ€œnew breed of Washington firms that has turned grass-roots organizing to the advantage of its high-paying clients, generally trade associations and corporations.โ€ As the Times rightly puts it: โ€œthe rise of this industry has made it hard to tell the difference between manufactured public opinion and genuine explosions of popularย sentiment.โ€

If the name Bonner & Associates sounds familiar, itโ€™s because they were busted recently for sending fake letters on fake letterhead to House representatives in opposition to the Waxman-Markey clean energy and climate change bill. This latest failed Astroturf attempt by Bonner was on behalf of the coal industry, but it is only one small example of the empire Jack Bonner has built in his 20-plus years of manufacturing dissent on progressive health and energyย legislation.

Some of Bonnerโ€™s earliest Astroturfing efforts were on behalf of big tobaccoย companies.

A 1986 strategic document titled โ€œProposal to Defeat Current Legislation on Banning Tobacco Advertisingโ€ touts Jack Bonner and his company as experts in coalition building and grassroots. The document points to Bonnerโ€™s past work on behalf of major chemical producers to defeat amendments to the Toxic Air section of the Clean Air Act as an example of Bonnerโ€™s expertise in the area of grassrootsย campaigning.

If you want to see how an astroturf campaign is built, itโ€™s worth reading the whole document, but for a taste, here are someย highlights:ย 

โ€œGoal: defeat federal legislation to ban tobacco advertising and prevent similar state and local initiatives through a grass-rootsย campaign.

Objective: to identify and mobilize leading national and local leaders (i.e. business and community leaders, newspaper owners and journalists) to actively participate in a targeted grass-roots campaign directly with members ofย Congress).

And,

โ€œโ€ฆ utilizing the expertise of Bonner and Associates and through our paid state coordinators, will undertake the following activities as part of a proposed grass-rootsย strategy:

– identify local/state community and business leaders through telephone and on-site communication efforts and develop a data base ofย supporters

– select chairmen to be responsible for the statewide and localย efforts

– participate in association meetings and conventions and sponsor specificย events

– coordinate meetings between state and local chairmen and theirย legislators

– conduct statewide tours in major cities with business and community leaders from theย state

– place editorials in newspapers throughout theย country

– enlist and coordinate support of state and localย organizations

– compile and deliver resolutions signed by state and localย organizations

– conduct a letter-writing campaign, telegram effort and phone-inย day

The summary of tactics confidently concludesย that:

โ€œThe grass-roots support generated by our campaign will defeat legislative attempts to ban tobaccoย advertising.โ€

Another memo dated August 27, 1986 by tobaccoโ€™s main front group in the 1980โ€™s and 90โ€™s, the Tobacco Institute (think, Thank You for Smoking), lists โ€œgrassroots expertโ€ Jack Bonner as being available to discuss communications efforts and help the Tobacco Institute focus more clearly on their grassroots capabilities andย needs.

Bonner follows this memo up with a thank you letter to the Tobacco Institute dated Sept. 26, 1986 that reads inย part:

โ€œI would like to express my appreciation for your kind attention at the field staff meeting last week I hope you found our discussion to be helpful and informative. The tobacco industry has many tough battles ahead of it and I am firmly convinced that the only chance for victories is by broadening your base ofย supporters.โ€

Bonnerโ€™s thank you letter includes a brag sheet of the services his companyย provides:

โ€œWhat really influences a member of Congress on an issue? In our democracy, it is the constituent – the voter – or, rather, large numbers of them, who have the most influence on the way a Representative or Senator willย vote.

โ€œLobbyists know it is one thing to tell a Congressman his voters care about an issue, but it is much more important to prove they care – and care enough to getย involved.โ€

Thatโ€™s true, of course. When politicians run into a crowd of engaged citizens, they tend to react. But they also tend to mistake those citizens for disinterested third parties who actually care about the issue – not as paid activists working for an affectedย industry.

Fast-forward to today where we have both clean energy and health care bills weaving their way through Capitol Hill corridors. One bill would provide better, more affordable health care for millions of Americans and the other would unleash an economic clean energy and green jobย revolution.

In an ideal form of democracy we would see a national conversation on the pros and cons of both these important pieces of legislation where average citizens would meet face-to-face with their local representative or go to Town Hall meeting and ask questions and get frank and honest answers. Instead, we get PR firms like Adfero organizing phony protests and Bonner whipping up fraudulent letters misrepresenting the position of charitiable organizations that didnโ€™t even know they were being dragged into the public debate. We get the American Petroleum Institute creating and coordinating faked-up events in which energy companies bus their employees over for lunchtime rallies that masquerade as spontaneous outbursts of publicย enthusiasm.

This isnโ€™t an expression of public opinion, it is an highly organized (and shamelessly well-funded) attack on democracy and, as the tobacco documents quoted above prove, it has been typical of the Bonner style for far tooย long.

If someone is participating in a โ€œgrassrootsโ€ campaign, their free t-shirts and baseball caps should all say โ€œsponsored by (name your self-interested corporation here).โ€ Those companies have every right to participate in the public conversation. But we should have every right to know when our elected representatives are getting bamboozled by a โ€œspontaneousโ€ campaign that was ordered up in a corporate boardroom and delivered by people who (if the Bonner example can be extrapolated) really donโ€™t care if the truth gets in the way of theirย messaging.

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Kevin is a contributor and strategic adviser to DeSmog. He runs the digital marketing agency Spake Media House. Named a โ€œGreen Heroโ€ by Rolling Stone Magazine and one of the โ€œTop 50 Tweetersโ€ on climate change and environment issues, Kevin has appeared in major news media outlets around the world for his work on digital campaigning. Kevin has been involved in the public policy arena in both the United States and Canada for more than a decade. For five years he was the managing editor of DeSmogBlog.com. In this role, Kevinโ€™s research into the โ€œclimate denial industryโ€ and the right-wing think tank networks was featured in news media articles around the world. He is most well known for his ground-breaking research into David and Charles Kochโ€™s massive financial investments in the Republican and tea partyย networks. Kevin is the first person to be designated a โ€œCertified Expertโ€ on theย political and community organizing platformย NationBuilder. Prior to DeSmog, Kevin worked in various political and government roles. He was Senior Advisor to the Minister of State for Multiculturalism and a Special Assistant to the Minister of State for Asia Pacific, Foreign Affairs for the Government of Canada. Kevin also worked in various roles in the British Columbia provincial government in the Office of the Premier and the Ministry of Health. In 2008 Kevin co-founded a groundbreaking new online election tool called Vote for Environment which was later nominated for a World Summit Award in recognition of the worldโ€™s best e-Content and innovative ICTย applications. Kevin moved to Washington, DC in 2010 where he worked for two years as the Director of Online Strategy for Greenpeace USA and has since returned to his hometown of Vancouver, Canada.

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